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Culture, Evolution, and the Problem of a Global MoralityKurt Spellmeyer, Rutgers University, Fall 2002
Assignment 1: The Transformation of Evolutionary Thought across Knowledge Communities 1. One way to think about knowledge is to see it simply as information that can be judged either true or false. But another way to think about knowledge is to view it in terms of "knowledge communities." Evolutionary biologists make up one knowledge community, a community to which de Waal himself belongs, as did Darwin before him. Another community might be described as the "interpreters of evolution," some of whom are practicing scientists and some of whom are journalists or freelance writers. Within this community we might include Thomas Henry Huxley, Richard Dawkins, Robert Wright and Matt Ridley. A third group, by far the largest, might be called "non-scientists" or, better yet, the "general public." For this assignment, I would like you to explore the ways in which knowledge first created by the community of biologists gradually made its way into the common knowledge of the general public. What distortions, improvements, elaborations, or applications did Darwinism undergo along the way? Is the contemporary public understanding of evolution primarily the outcome of scientific inquiry or have other forces shaped it just as much as science, possibly even more. What might these other forces be? When I ask you to "explore" the transformation of evolutionary
thought as it travels from the knowledge community of biologists to the
larger community of the general public, I really want you to make some
kind of point or argument. In order to make that point, you will need
to draw heavily on the evidence provided by de Waal, but I am not looking
for a simple summary of his argument. The last part of my questionabout
the forces that have shaped scientific knowledge after it has left the
hands of scientists themselvesrequires you to engage in some intelligent
speculation. Why might non-scientists be so ready to see nature as "red
in tooth and claw," if this is not what Darwin tried to tell us?
Could it be that attitudes and values that have nothing to do with science
have somehow gotten mixed up with our popular understandings of evolution?
What might be some of the cultural, social, or economic sources of those
attitudes and values? For your second assignment, I would like you to use de Waal and Guinier to make an argument that answers this deceptively simple question:
Basically, this question asks you to decide whether democracy by majority rule, which Lani Guinier regards with suspicion, is more conducive to altruism and reciprocity than to selfishness and competition. You might respond in a variety of ways. Among them are these possibilities: If you decide that majority rule is indeed consistent with altruism, then you might also make case that Guinier's idea of proportional representation is less consistent with altruism or completely contradicts it. On the other hand, if you decide that Guinier's proposal is consistent with altruism, you might also try to demonstrate that majority rule undermines reciprocity and therefore flies in the face of our biological heritage. Alternately, you might make the case that evolutionary biology cannot give us any meaningful guidance at all about the conduct of our political affairs. Remember, however, that you will need to explain in some detail--drawing on de Waal as well as Guinier--why biology and culture constitute completely separate domains. Finally, you might argue that evolutionary biology lends support to both majority rule and proportional representation. Perhaps both serve the ends of evolution in different ways. Please bear in mind that this assignment is not asking you to compare
and contrast de Waal with Guinier. Instead, it asks you to explain how
the evidence provided by de Waal might confirm, contradict, and/or complicate
Guinier's argument. We have now read three authors--de Waal, Guinier, and Nussbaum--all
of whom explore in different ways the subject of ethics or morality, whether
their concern is altruism among primates, an ethically responsible political
system, or the need for universal human rights. None of them argues for
divine revelation as the basis of ethics.
As you consider the possible sources of moral absolutes, use the three authors to explore the complexities that are produced by any answer to this question. If you are intrigued by the possibility that moral absolutes might come from science, then please explain how we should respond to disagreements within the scientific community. Consider in particular the debates between de Waal's camp and its opponents. Similar complexities must be faced by those who turn to religion as the bedrock of morality. After all, the various religions do not always agree, and even within a single faith, sharp disagreements are quite common. After considering science and religion as sources of authority, you might turn to our nation's civil institutions: the people, you might argue, should be free to decide on the morality they will abide by. But in that case, who qualifies as "the people"? If we base our ethics on majority rule, does that mean that the majority is always right? Needless to say, the questions I have posed here are huge ones. Your paper does not necessarily need to reach a firm conclusion: a strong essay might simply explore the complications of the issue or demonstrate the strengths and limitations of various possible answers. If you manage to come up with a truly compelling answer, one developed in a well-organized, persuasive, and articulate way, you will qualify not only for an "A," but also for a Nobel Peace Prize. Good luck!
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